0
Commentary |

The Real Meaning of Rationing

David O. Meltzer, MD, PhD; Allan S. Detsky, MD, PhD
[+] Author Affiliations

Author Affiliations: Departments of Medicine and Economics, and Harris School of Public Policy Studies, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois (Dr Meltzer); and Departments of Health Policy Management and Evaluation and Medicine, University of Toronto, Department of Medicine, Mount Sinai Hospital, and University Health Network, Toronto, Ontario, Canada (Dr Detsky).


JAMA. 2010;304(20):2292-2293. doi:10.1001/jama.2010.1671
Text Size: A A A
Published online

Since the inauguration of President Obama in January 2009 and the subsequent passage of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act in March 2010, Americans have been saturated with debate about reform of the US health care system. Most of the issues and concepts are not new and focus on whether changes will make the health care system more efficient and equitable. Economists have specific definitions of these 2 attributes. Efficiency refers to the objective of maximizing the amount of goods and services and total societal welfare that are produced with a fixed level of resources. This implies a focus on costs. Equity refers to the distribution of goods and services across individuals in society, measuring who gains and who loses when some policy change occurs.

Because insurance allows consumers to purchase health care at a price below the price suppliers receive, economists predict that insured individuals will consume medical care beyond the level that reflects their true preferences, thus reducing total societal welfare.1 This overconsumption and lack of concern about true costs is an important reason that the health care sector is highly inefficient and wasteful.2 Indeed, ample empirical evidence demonstrates that consumers will reduce expenditures when they face higher prices.3 Thus, making consumers more aware of the real resource consequences of their actions is an important part of the discussions about efficiency.

To some, the optimal method is to allow consumers to know the full price, especially for services that are inexpensive and predictable. Catastrophic health insurance plans take this approach.4 Because some health services are unpredictable, very expensive, and necessary (eg, trauma care), this approach has limits. Markets for private insurance may develop to cover those risks. Governments also may subsidize or provide health insurance for low-income individuals on the basis of fairness or equity.5 To control costs, these insurance systems require an insurer or some other party to monitor the provision of covered services to determine what is necessary and appropriate. These mechanisms are referred to as “managed care” and force patients to either forgo care or pay for it themselves. Another approach to controlling costs taken by many countries with universal public insurance plans limits the total supply of services centrally.6 All these approaches are often viewed, typically pejoratively, as forms of rationing.

What does the term “rationing” really mean? In free markets, consumers incorporate their income and preferences to make decisions about how much they are willing to pay for a particular good or service. Similarly, suppliers consider the desired profit that would induce them to produce and sell that product. The price is the key variable that links consumers to suppliers and adjusts to determine what is produced and who consumes it. When consumer demand is high and supply is low, price is driven up. When supply is plentiful and demand is low, prices decline. Economic reasoning favors this approach because the consumers who are willing to pay a higher price for a good are likely the ones who place higher value on it. However, consumers' willingness to pay is driven not only by their preferences, but also by their income and wealth. For some goods and services like health care, housing, and food, the free market distribution is considered inequitable because individuals with low incomes and little wealth are unable to purchase some minimum level. In these cases, government subsidies arise to ensure that everyone receives these “merit goods.”

The term rationing implies that goods and services are allocated to consumers in a way that is disconnected from the price. That is, specific amounts of goods and services are allocated to consumers on the basis of criteria other than their actual preferences, willingness to pay, and income or wealth. The party making that decision has to determine what the person really needs or what is fair. If demand exceeds supply at that price, the price is not allowed to increase.

Societies have used rationing under a variety of circumstances. The classic use of rationing occurs in times of war when governments allocate specific services such as food, raw materials, energy, and equipment to the war effort and away from the rest of the market to ensure victory. To prevent the excess demand from producing a large price increase, consumers are issued ration tickets that give them a specific aliquot of those goods and services (to ensure equity) and the rest is expropriated for government use (to ensure it pays a low price). Rationing is often considered as a way for government to achieve directly what it cannot achieve through taxes, either because of practical or political constraints. The public may clearly debate the value of a war but rarely debates whether it is desirable to give government the power to win it.

In health care, the issue is not that government actions prevent individuals from purchasing health care even when they are willing to pay its full price. That is, they can always pay the cost directly. In that sense it is different than most rationing policies. The issue is instead that the riskiness of health care consumption creates a situation in which it makes sense to separate utilization of health care from its cost. Therefore, to limit utilization, decisions have to be made about the circumstances under which insurance will cover certain types of health care. When this care is very expensive, patients may be unable to pay for it if their insurance chooses to decline payment. Coverage policies, therefore, are rationing from a practical perspective just as much as rationing systems that are more explicit in preventing consumers from acting on their preferences.

Because discussions of health policy make it clear that rationing exists and that government plays a part in it, a significant proportion of Americans have opposed expanding the government's role (eg, “the public option”). Although many Americans dislike any form of government control,7 the government's role in health care seems to produce a higher level of passion. Perhaps the specter of rationing concerns Americans because they believe that health care services will be withheld from them and delivered to other persons, ie, that the distributional consequences will make them worse off.

Rationing already takes place in many ways in health care. Managed care is exactly a form of rationing in which a private insurer determines whether patients should or should not receive services. In addition, private sector rationing injects profit motives into the calculations. The recent debate over health care has centered around who should do the rationing: private enterprises, often driven by profit or other private objectives, or government officials who are easily characterized as motivated by the immediate political returns of lower taxes or hiding the true shortcomings of services they administer.

These perspectives are understandable. Yet attempts to resist change using the specter of rationing are not reasonable because rationing already exists and is inevitable. Acknowledging that the argument is not about whether rationing is required but rather who should be trusted to ration care is a start. What is needed is intelligent discourse on what approaches to rationing work best and what values Americans most wish to express as a nation to address this problem.

Such public discussion will not be easy at this time because US politics is currently so polarized. It can be difficult to separate good information from bad. For example, the challenges of rational discussion of health care reform in the United States can be illustrated by typing the words “mammography” and “rationing” into a Google search. Moreover, there are deeply vested interests: political parties, pharmaceutical and device manufacturers, physicians, hospitals, and patient special interest groups. Concerns about “death panels” and debates about rationing make better press than balanced discussions of who should or should not receive a mammogram, or the effects of co-payments on appropriate and inappropriate emergency department use. It is critical that Americans learn that rationing currently exists and is inevitable and focus their thinking on how its vagaries are best minimized, rather than use the word to instill fear.

Corresponding Author: Allan S. Detsky, MD, PhD, Mount Sinai Hospital, 600 University Ave, Ste 429, Toronto, ON, Canada M5G 1X5 (adetsky@mtsinai.on.ca).

Published Online: November 1, 2010. doi:10.1001/jama.2010.1671

Financial Disclosures: None reported.

Funding/Support: Dr Meltzer is supported by the National Institute on Aging (1 K24 AG031326-0) and the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality Hospital Medicine and Economics Center for Education and Research in Therapeutics (U18 HS016967-01).

Role of the Sponsors: Neither agency had any role in the preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript.

Wells DA, Ross JS, Detsky AS. What is different about the market for health care?  JAMA. 2007;298(23):2785-2787
PubMed
Feldstein M. The welfare loss of excess health insurance.  J Polit Econ. 1973;81251-280
Newhouse JP.Insurance Experiment Group.  Free for All? Lessons From the RAND Health Experiment. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; 1993
Fendrick AM, Chernew ME. Value-based insurance design: a “clinically sensitive, fiscally responsible” approach to mitigate the adverse clinical effects of high-deductible consumer-directed health plans.  J Gen Intern Med. 2007;22(6):890-891
PubMed
Woolhandler S, Himmelstein DU. Consumer directed healthcare: except for the healthy and wealthy it's unwise.  J Gen Intern Med. 2007;22(6):879-881
PubMed
Detsky AS, Stacey SR, Bombardier C. The effectiveness of a regulatory strategy in containing hospital costs: the Ontario experience, 1967-1981.  N Engl J Med. 1983;309(3):151-159
PubMed
Sessions SY, Detsky AS. Washington, Ottawa, and health care reform: a tale of 2 capitals.  JAMA. 2010;303(20):2078-2079
PubMed

First Page Preview

First page PDF preview

Figures

Tables

Interactive Graphics

Video

Country-Specific Mortality and Growth Failure in Infancy and Yound Children and Association With Material Stature

Use interactive graphics and maps to view and sort country-specific infant and early dhildhood mortality and growth failure data and their association with maternal

Wells DA, Ross JS, Detsky AS. What is different about the market for health care?  JAMA. 2007;298(23):2785-2787
PubMed
Feldstein M. The welfare loss of excess health insurance.  J Polit Econ. 1973;81251-280
Newhouse JP.Insurance Experiment Group.  Free for All? Lessons From the RAND Health Experiment. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press; 1993
Fendrick AM, Chernew ME. Value-based insurance design: a “clinically sensitive, fiscally responsible” approach to mitigate the adverse clinical effects of high-deductible consumer-directed health plans.  J Gen Intern Med. 2007;22(6):890-891
PubMed
Woolhandler S, Himmelstein DU. Consumer directed healthcare: except for the healthy and wealthy it's unwise.  J Gen Intern Med. 2007;22(6):879-881
PubMed
Detsky AS, Stacey SR, Bombardier C. The effectiveness of a regulatory strategy in containing hospital costs: the Ontario experience, 1967-1981.  N Engl J Med. 1983;309(3):151-159
PubMed
Sessions SY, Detsky AS. Washington, Ottawa, and health care reform: a tale of 2 capitals.  JAMA. 2010;303(20):2078-2079
PubMed
CME Course for:


You need to register in order to view this quiz.


To understand the clinical management of acute heart failure syndromes.
Accreditation Information The American Medical Association is accredited by the Accreditation Council for Continuing Medical Education to provide continuing medical education for physicians.
The AMA designates this journal-based CME activity for a maximum of 1 AMA PRA Category 1 CreditTM per course. Physicians should claim only the credit commensurate with the extent of their participation in the activity.
Physicians who complete the CME course and score at least 80% correct on the quiz are eligible for AMA PRA Category 1 CreditTM.
Note: You must get at least of the answers correct to pass this quiz.
Note: You must get at least of the answers correct to pass this quiz.
You have not filled in all the answers to complete this quiz
The following questions were not answered:
Sorry, you have unsuccessfully completed this CME quiz with a score of
The following questions were not answered correctly:
For CME Course: A Proposed Model for Initial Assessment and Management of Acute Heart Failure Syndromes
Indicate what changes(s) you will implement in your practice, if any, based on this CME course.
To view and print your certificate and access a summary of your CME courses go to My CME.
NOTE:
Citing articles are presented as examples only. In non-demo SCM6 implementation, integration with CrossRef’s “Cited By” API will populate this tab (http://www.crossref.org/citedby.html).
Submit a Response

Some tools below are only available to our subscribers or users with an online account.

Related Content

Customize your page view by dragging & repositioning the boxes below.

Articles Related By Topic
Related Topics
PubMed Articles